Chapter 30
Exploration and discovery of unknown lands, seas and peoples; voyages undertaken to explore; the explorer's motives, methods and hardships; first accounts of new places.
381 passages · 203 principal · Covers the 49 volumes of primary texts
Exploration, as the term is used here, covers the going out into unknown lands, seas and peoples. It includes the voyages undertaken for that purpose, the motives that send men out, the methods by which they find their way, the hardships that turn them back, and the first reports they bring home. In most collections of great books the idea would appear only at the margins, in an epic wandering or a philosopher’s aside. The Harvard Classics give it unusual weight. They print the founding documents of the age of discovery: the Norse sagas of Vinland, Columbus’s letter, Vespucci’s account, the records of Cabot, Gilbert, Drake and Raleigh. Beside these stand Darwin’s survey voyage and a long line of poets who made the voyage a figure for thought and death. The idea therefore lets us watch, in the explorers’ own words, the European world finding out how large the world was, and then watch philosophers and poets deciding what that discovery meant.
The first question these texts raise is why men go. The bluntest answer is gold. Adam Smith reports that the Spaniards, on reaching any unknown coast, asked first whether it held gold or silver, and decided by the answer whether to settle or conquer1,2. Raleigh is hardly less frank. He argues that the unexplored interior of Guiana must hold more gold than the coastal Indies, and he offers the empire he found as a treasury to rival Spain’s3,4. Harrison records Frobisher’s search for a short cut to Cathay, which ended in ore that proved to be dross5, and English merchants reaching toward Muscovy and the Indies for commodities6. Even Drayton’s ode sends Britons to Virginia for pearl and gold as well as fame7.
Against this stands a second motive, the desire to see. Vespucci says he left trade to behold the wonders of the world8. More’s Hythloday gives up his patrimony for the same reason9, and Sindbad sails from longing to see other countries and races10. Its purest form is Dante’s Ulysses, who abandons home to gain experience of the world and of human vice and virtue, and drives past Hercules’ limits into the unpeopled hemisphere11,12. Tennyson’s Ulysses inherits that hungry heart and resolves to sail beyond the sunset until he dies13,14. Bacon’s New Atlantis turns curiosity into an institution: its ships sail abroad every twelve years for light, not gold or spices15. Darwin confesses the simpler wish to stand where no man has stood16. Pascal punctures the whole motive. Men would not cross the sea merely to see, he says, if they could never tell of it, so curiosity is a form of vanity17.
A third family of motives joins religion, glory and right. Edward Haies sets ambition and avarice against the virtuous aim of Christianizing, and he insists that conversion is the proper end of discovery18,19. In the same narrative he argues England’s priority of discovery through Cabot against Spanish and French claims20. Columbus closes his letter with glory and conversion21. The Mayflower settlers sail for God’s glory and their king22, and Whitman’s Columbus prays that his voyages were undertaken for God23.
Smith complicates all of this. He holds that neither utility nor profit, rightly understood, produced the American colonies. What happened was that a project for East Indian commerce stumbled on the West, and the hopes of an Eldorado that followed were disappointed24,25. Thoreau gives the question a different turn. He asks why America was discovered and answers that the race has a westward migratory instinct. The ancients dreamed that instinct as Atlantis and the Hesperides, and Columbus obeyed it26,27. Whitman likewise treats the opening of the western continent as a theme of greater dignity than any antique one28,29.
The ancient texts show a world whose edges are close and fearful. Smith explains that the ancients hugged the Mediterranean coasts for want of the compass, so that passing the Pillars of Hercules was a perilous exploit30. Tacitus says the northern ocean is little known and that its dangers deter ships31. Drusus tried that ocean and was turned back by its roughness32. Plutarch credits Caesar with being the first to bring a fleet into the Atlantic, reaching an island whose very existence historians had doubted33. Herodotus is the true ancestor of the explorer’s report. He pursues the sources of the Nile as far as Elephantine, collects hearsay of the route beyond34,35, and tells of Nasamonian youths chosen by lot to cross the Libyan desert, who found small dark men in a city by a river36,37. The moderns judged the ancients by what they had missed. Raleigh notes that voyages through the torrid zone refuted the belief of Aristotle, Pliny and Strabo that it was uninhabitable38. Bacon’s fable, by contrast, claims that ancient navigation exceeded the modern and later decayed39,40.
Legend fills what history leaves blank. Prometheus charts Io’s route across the Scythian plains to Gorgons, Gryphons and the sources of the Nile41,42,43. Odysseus comes upon the unpeopled isle near the Cyclopes44, and Circe gives him sailing directions past the Wandering Rocks, which only the Argo had ever passed45. Aeneas wanders for seven years in search of a land he cannot name46,47. Tacitus records, without vouching for it, a tradition that Ulysses reached Germany48. Between legend and history lie the Celtic voyages. Renan describes Irish monks who landed in Iceland before the Danes, and St. Brandan’s seven years in a leather boat49,50,51.
The Norse saga marks the passage from wonder to record. Biarni sights unknown wooded lands and is reproached for not landing, and Leif buys his ship and names the countries he finds52,53. Leif’s men explore in daily shifts, and the discovery of grapes gives Wineland its name54. Columbus’s letter supplies the pattern for every first account that follows: coasting, naming, claiming, and describing harbors, mountains and timid natives55,56,57. Vespucci adds a stated intention to write a geography of the wonders seen58. Smith retells the episode with a skeptic’s eye. Columbus expected the rich Indies, found naked savages in wooded country, and turned to gold to justify his discovery59,60. Voltaire counts the discovery among achievements of chance and practice, made without theoretical knowledge of navigation61,62. Emerson notes the irony that the continent took Vespucci’s name instead of Columbus’s63. The English records are more anxious. Haies laments that England had left the inland country unexplored and relied on French reports64, and he judges Gilbert’s venture rash, lacking both a chosen site and a proven commodity65. Pretty’s narrative of Drake is the most continuous record of a circumnavigation, running from the Strait of Magellan to Java66,67. Along the way Drake finds the Chilean charts wrong68, and at the Cape he finds the Portuguese tales of its storms false69.
Method grows in these texts from improvisation toward discipline. The early explorers sound channels with pinnaces70, send small boats ahead to try river mouths71, and leave marks in harbors for the ships that follow72. Above all they depend on native knowledge. Drake crosses the isthmus behind Cimaroon guides who mark the way with broken boughs73. Raleigh’s narrative is largely a record of intelligence gathered from elders, interpreters, prisoners and pilots, some of them seized by force74,75,76,77. Raleigh states plainly that without such knowledge there is no entrance into the country74. Scouting from a height recurs from epic to science. Odysseus climbs to look for smoke on Circe’s isle78, Sindbad climbs a tree on his deserted island79, and Drake climbs a tree to see the Pacific for the first time80. Darwin ascends the Sierra Ventana, which no foreigner had climbed81. The Beagle’s purpose was itself methodical: survey and chronometric measurement82,83. Bacon had already advised travellers to keep diaries, as sailors keep logs84. Geikie draws the conclusion. Geography has outgrown travellers’ tales, and explorers must now go equipped with instruments and be judged by what they add to knowledge, not merely by their courage85,86,87.
The hardships are the most constant theme of all. Gilbert loses the Delight, and with it the scholar who was to record the discovery88. His own frigate goes down after his cry that he was as near to heaven by sea as by land89. Raleigh’s history of Guiana is largely a chronicle of failure. Orellana, Orsua, Aguirre and Berreo all suffer famine, mutiny, disease and floods90,91,92, and Raleigh’s own men nearly despair rowing against the current93,94. Darwin endures twenty-four days of gales off the outer coast95 and turns back upriver short of the Cordillera96. Emerson admires the Admiralty’s persistence in sending expedition after expedition in search of Franklin97. Yet Darwin also tempers the legend. He finds the dangers less than anticipated, the privations of Cook’s era gone, and the voyage itself a school in patience and trust in strangers98,99.
The first accounts raise a question of credibility. Columbus reports, almost with disappointment, that he found no monsters100. Hythloday says that sensible travellers seek knowledge of foreign laws, not monsters101. Raleigh relays native reports of headless men and defends such tales by pointing out that Mandeville’s stories had been confirmed once the East Indies were reached102. Darwin, three centuries later, explains old voyagers’ marvels by natural history103, and his own discovery of island-specific species in the Galapagos is the decisive first account of the collection104. The encounter with peoples is told from both sides. Natives wonder at the strangers: Columbus is thought to come from heaven105, cannon astonish Vespucci’s hosts58, and Drake’s Californians receive him with reverence106. Darwin’s Fuegians, by contrast, strike him as scarcely human107. Descartes draws a philosophical moral from such meetings. Distant peoples are not barbarians but often reason as well as Europeans, which weakens confidence in custom108.
What discovery did to the discovered is judged harshly in the later texts. Smith describes natives indifferent to gold and astonished at the Spaniards’ rage for it109, and he names the injustice suffered by newly found peoples110. Darwin records disease arriving with ships and native populations declining after first contact111,112. Dana says flatly that the first discoverer of each South Sea island was its curse113.
Finally, the voyage becomes a figure. Hamlet’s “undiscovered country” and Mortimer’s traveller to lands unknown both make exploration an image of death114,115. Milton’s Satan crosses Chaos like an explorer in uncharted waste and sights the new world as a scout sights a foreign city at dawn116,117. Dante warns readers back from his uncharted sea118. Bacon likens his new method to the compass that alone made the New World reachable119, and Voltaire compares Descartes to the discoverer of a new tract that others will cultivate120. Some turn the figure inward. Browne holds that the wonders sought abroad lie within man121, and Thoreau claims that the Nature he walks in was never discovered by Columbus122. Hunt counters that America itself was enriched when Humboldt brought back his account of it123.
The texts thus leave several questions open. One is whether the worthiest motive is gain, faith or knowledge. Another is whether the age of first glimpses has given way, as Geikie and Darwin suggest, to patient survey. A third is whether the outward voyage is finally a model for the inward one or a distraction from it.
Introductory essay written by Claude Opus 5.5 from the outline and the notes on every passage below; quotations are checked against this edition.
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See also: Wealth 12g · Custom and Convention 2a · Race and Nationality 6b · Monarchy 8d
See also: Monarchy 8d · Wealth 12g
See also: National Character 7b · Custom and Convention 2a · Monarchy 8d
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See also: War and Peace 7a · Wealth 12g
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See also: Nature, Race and Nationality, Geology, National Character, Wealth, War and Peace